Monday 9 November 1663

Up and found myself very well, and so by coach to White Hall and there met all my fellow officers, and so to the Duke, where, when we came into his closett, he told us that Mr. Pepys was so altered with his new perriwigg that he did not know him. So to our discourse, and among and above other things we were taken up in talking upon Sir J. Lawson’s coming home, he being come to Portsmouth; and Captain Berkely is come to towne with a letter from the Duana of Algier to the King, wherein they do demand again the searching of our ships and taking out of strangers, and their goods; and that what English ships are taken without the Duke’s pass they will detain (though it be flat contrary to the words of the peace) as prizes, till they do hear from our King, which they advise him may be speedy. And this they did the very next day after they had received with great joy the Grand Seignor’s confirmation of the Peace from Constantinople by Captain Berkely; so that there is no command nor certainty to be had of these people. The King is resolved to send his will by a fleete of ships; and it is thought best and speediest to send these very ships that are now come home, five sail of good ships, back again after cleaning, victualling, and paying them. But it is a pleasant thing to think how their Basha, Shavan Aga, did tear his hair to see the soldiers order things thus; for (just like his late predecessor) when they see the evil of war with England, then for certain they complain to the Grand Seignor of him, and cut his head off: this he is sure of, and knows as certain. Thence to Westminster Hall, where I met with Mr. Pierce, chyrurgeon; and among other things he asked me seriously whether I knew anything of my Lord’s being out of favour with the King; and told me, that for certain the King do take mighty notice of my Lord’s living obscurely in a corner not like himself, and becoming the honour that he is come to. I was sorry to hear, and the truth is, from my Lord’s discourse among his people (which I am told) of the uncertainty of princes’ favours, and his melancholy keeping from Court, I am doubtful of some such thing; but I seemed wholly strange to him in it, but will make my use of it. He told me also how loose the Court is, nobody looking after business, but every man his lust and gain; and how the King is now become besotted upon Mrs. Stewart, that he gets into corners, and will be with her half an houre together kissing her to the observation of all the world; and she now stays by herself and expects it, as my Lady Castlemaine did use to do; to whom the King, he says, is still kind, so as now and then he goes to have a chat with her as he believes; but with no such fondness as he used to do. But yet it is thought that this new wench is so subtle, that she lets him not do any thing than is safe to her, but yet his doting is so great that, Pierce tells me, it is verily thought if the Queene had died, he would have married her. The Duke of Monmouth is to have part of the Cockpitt new built for lodgings for him, and they say to be made Captain of the Guards in the room of my Lord Gerard. Having thus talked with him, there comes into the Hall Creed and Ned Pickering, and after a turne or two with them, it being noon, I walked with them two to the King’s Head ordinary, and there we dined; little discourse but what was common, only that the Duke of Yorke is a very, desperate huntsman, but I was ashamed of Pickering, who could not forbear having up my Lord Sandwich now and then in the most paltry matters abominable. Thence I took leave of them, and so having taken up something at my wife’s tailor’s, I home by coach and there to my office, whither Shales came and I had much discourse with him about the business of the victualling, and thence in the evening to the Coffee-house, and there sat till by and by, by appointment Will brought me word that his uncle Blackburne was ready to speak with me. So I went down to him, and he and I to a taverne hard by, and there I begun to speak to Will friendlily, advising him how to carry himself now he is going from under my roof, without any reflections upon the occasion from whence his removal arose. This his uncle seconded, and after laying down to him his duty to me, and what I expect of him, in a discourse of about a quarter of an houre or more, we agreed upon his going this week, towards the latter (end) of the week, and so dismissed him, and Mr. Blackburne and I fell to talk of many things, wherein I did speak so freely to him in many things agreeing with his sense that he was very open to me: first, in that of religion, he makes it great matter of prudence for the King and Council to suffer liberty of conscience; and imputes the losse of Hungary to the Turke from the Emperor’s denying them this liberty of their religion. He says that many pious ministers of the word of God, some thousands of them, do now beg their bread: and told me how highly the present clergy carry themselves every where, so as that they are hated and laughed at by everybody; among other things, for their excommunications, which they send upon the least occasions almost that can be. And I am convinced in my judgement, not only from his discourse, but my thoughts in general, that the present clergy will never heartily go down with the generality of the commons of England; they have been so used to liberty and freedom, and they are so acquainted with the pride and debauchery of the present clergy. He did give me many stories of the affronts which the clergy receive in all places of England from the gentry and ordinary persons of the parish. He do tell me what the City thinks of General Monk, as of a most perfidious man that hath betrayed every body, and the King also; who, as he thinks, and his party, and so I have heard other good friends of the King say, it might have been better for the King to have had his hands a little bound for the present, than be forced to bring such a crew of poor people about him, and be liable to satisfy the demands of every one of them. He told me that to his knowledge (being present at every meeting at the Treaty at the Isle of Wight), that the old King did confess himself overruled and convinced in his judgement against the Bishopps, and would have suffered and did agree to exclude the service out of the churches, nay his own chappell; and that he did always say, that this he did not by force, for that he would never abate one inch by any vyolence; but what he did was out of his reason and judgement. He tells me that the King by name, with all his dignities, is prayed for by them that they call Fanatiques, as heartily and powerfully as in any of the other churches that are thought better: and that, let the King think what he will, it is them that must helpe him in the day of warr. For as they are the most, so generally they are the most substantial sort of people, and the soberest; and did desire me to observe it to my Lord Sandwich, among other things, that of all the old army now you cannot see a man begging about the street; but what? You shall have this captain turned a shoemaker; the lieutenant, a baker; this a brewer; that a haberdasher; this common soldier, a porter; and every man in his apron and frock, &c., as if they never had done anything else: whereas the others go with their belts and swords, swearing and cursing, and stealing; running into people’s houses, by force oftentimes, to carry away something; and this is the difference between the temper of one and the other; and concludes (and I think with some reason,) that the spirits of the old parliament soldiers are so quiett and contented with God’s providences, that the King is safer from any evil meant him by them one thousand times more than from his own discontented Cavalier. And then to the publique management of business: it is done, as he observes, so loosely and so carelessly, that the kingdom can never be happy with it, every man looking after himself, and his owne lust and luxury; among other things he instanced in the business of money, he do believe that half of what money the Parliament gives the King is not so much as gathered. And to the purpose he told me how the Bellamys (who had some of the Northern counties assigned them for their debt for the petty warrant victualling) have often complained to him that they cannot get it collected, for that nobody minds, or, if they do, they won’t pay it in. Whereas (which is a very remarkable thing,) he hath been told by some of the Treasurers at Warr here of late, to whom the most of the 120,000l. monthly was paid, that for most months the payments were gathered so duly, that they seldom had so much or more than 40s., or the like, short in the whole collection; whereas now the very Commissioners for Assessments and other publique payments are such persons, and those that they choose in the country so like themselves, that from top to bottom there is not a man carefull of any thing, or if he be, he is not solvent; that what between the beggar and the knave, the King is abused the best part of all his revenue. From thence we began to talk of the Navy, and particularly of Sir W. Pen, of whose rise to be a general I had a mind to be informed. He told me he was always a conceited man, and one that would put the best side outward, but that it was his pretence of sanctity that brought him into play. Lawson, and Portman, and the Fifth-monarchy men, among whom he was a great brother, importuned that he might be general; and it was pleasant to see how Blackburne himself did act it, how when the Commissioners of the Admiralty would enquire of the captains and admirals of such and such men, how they would with a sigh and casting up the eyes say, “Such a man fears the Lord,” or, “I hope such a man hath the Spirit of God,” and such things as that. But he tells me that there was a cruel articling against Pen after one fight, for cowardice, in putting himself within a coyle of cables, of which he had much ado to acquit himself: and by great friends did it, not without remains of guilt, but that his brethren had a mind to pass it by, and Sir H. Vane did advise him to search his heart, and see whether this fault or a greater sin was not the occasion of this so great tryall. And he tells me, that what Pen gives out about Cromwell’s sending and entreating him to go to Jamaica, is very false; he knows the contrary: besides, the Protector never was a man that needed to send for any man, specially such a one as he, twice. He tells me that the business of Jamaica did miscarry absolutely by his pride, and that when he was in the Tower he would cry like a child. This he says of his own personal knowledge, and lastly tells me that just upon the turne, when Monk was come from the North to the City, and did begin to think of bringing in the King, Pen was then turned Quaker. This he is most certain of. He tells me that Lawson was never counted any thing but only a seaman, and a stout man, but a false man, and that now he appears the greatest hypocrite in the world. And Pen the same. He tells me that it is much talked of, that the King intends to legitimate the Duke of Monmouth; and that he has not, nor his friends of his persuasion, have any hopes of getting their consciences at liberty but by God Almighty’s turning of the King’s heart, which they expect, and are resolved to live and die in quiett hopes of it; but never to repine, or act any thing more than by prayers towards it. And that not only himself but all of them have, and are willing at any time to take the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. Thus far, and upon many more things, we had discoursed when some persons in a room hard by began to sing in three parts very finely and to play upon a flagilette so pleasantly that my discourse afterwards was but troublesome, and I could not attend it, and so, anon, considering of a sudden the time of night, we found it 11 o’clock, which I thought it had not been by two hours, but we were close in talk, and so we rose, he having drunk some wine and I some beer and sugar, and so by a fair moonshine home and to bed, my wife troubled with tooth ache. Mr. Blackburne observed further to me, some certain notice that he had of the present plot so much talked of; that he was told by Mr. Rushworth, how one Captain Oates, a great discoverer, did employ several to bring and seduce others into a plot, and that one of his agents met with one that would not listen to him, nor conceal what he had offered him, but so detected the trapan. This, he says, is most true. He also, among other instances how the King is served, did much insist upon the cowardice and corruption of the King’s guards and militia, which to be sure will fail the King, as they have done already, when there will be occasion for them.

19 Annotations

Terry F   Link to this

The peace-treaty that was broken

22 May 1662 "This night we had each of us a letter from Captain Teddiman from the Streights, of a peace made upon good terms, by Sir J. Lawson, with the Argier men, which is most excellent news" http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1662/05/22/

Terry F   Link to this

"And that not only himself but all of them have, and are willing at any time to take the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy."

Old Commonwealth men, like Blackborne - and the morally more stringent, but dienfranchised Presbyterians - are willing to be subordinate to the King and to the tenets of his faith, as the phony and immoral Cavaliers do corruptly, but as Pepys and Sandwich have done in earnest.

19 July 1660 - "This day I received my commission to swear people the oath of allegiance and supremacy delivered me by my Lord." http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1660/07/19/

23 July 1660 - "to Secretary Nicholas, and there before him and Secretary Morris, my Lord and I upon our knees together took our oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy" http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1660/07/23/

alanB   Link to this

Perhaps someone could let us know by way of a slight spoiler if this is the longest entry made be Sam. It's a wonder Bess did not complain of ear-ache as well when Sam began to recount his day of gossip.
I like the image of Sam not being recognized under his periwig. Fits in well with today's demand of being asked to remove the veil.

tel   Link to this

and so to the Duke, where, when we came into his closett, he told us that Mr. Pepys was so altered with his new perriwigg that he did not know him.

A fine example of The Royal Joke - not very funny, but everyone laughs politely and the subject is flattered by being mentioned at all.

tonyt   Link to this

The Royal Joke.
I have always suspected that one of the greatest weaknesses of James, Duke of York, was that - like his father, but unlike his brother - he had no sense of humour. Charles I is apparently recorded as only ever having made one joke (about Sir Arthur Haselrigg at the Battle of Roundway Down). Are there any other jokes recorded as having been made by James or is this indeed The Royal Joke?

jeannine   Link to this

The Royal Joke
Tony, you may be quite right about the sense of humor. As Buckingham once said (don't have book for exact quote here, but something like this)
"Charles would do things if he would, James would do things if he could".
I don't believe that James had the quickness of thought that is often required to pull of a joke. He seems to have lacked that type of wit, while his brother Charles (albeit lazy in many ways) was very much the wit, surrounded himself with a group of wits like Buckingham, and Lord Rochester(who hasn't arrived on the scene yet), etc. James was of a different style, as was Charles I.

Roy Feldman   Link to this

Blackburne

Not having read the bio on him before, I'd pictured the uncle of Pepys's serving-boy as being of a lower class; low station by association, if you will. Imagine my surprise, therefore, on reading how knowledgeably the man could talk about politics and backroom dealings. Perhaps it's no accident that Pepys's serving-boy happens to be a relative of a well-placed man? And maybe this accounts for why Pepys won't just fire the boy.

Clement   Link to this

"...the spirits of the old parliament soldiers are so quiett and contented with God's providences, that the King is safer from any evil meant him by them one thousand times more than from his own discontented Cavalier."

Sam's reverence for the sense of duty and egalitarian spirit of the revolution is unmistakeable, though he is simply recounting Blackburne's comments--and though he also enjoys gawking and leering at the salacious and extravagant royal spectacle that totters before him at court.
His desire for religious tolerance makes it easier (for me) to empathize with him, in spite of his other frailties.

Pedro   Link to this

"that the spirits of the old parliament soldiers are so quiett and contented with God's providences, that the King is safer from any evil meant him by them one thousand times more than from his own discontented Cavalier"

Childs in his book The Army of Charles II quotes the words of Sam and adds...

"The full payment of arrears amounted to a considerable sum of money and this must have served as a weighty bribe to ensure the good behaviour of the troops and the smooth running of the disbandment...Parliament's wisest precaution was relaxing the laws relating to apprenticeship permitting disbanded officers and men to practice their trade in their home towns...This must have eased greatly the return of 40,000 men to civilian life."

Burnet's opinion...They were certainly the bravest, the best disciplined, and the soberest army that had been known in these latter ages: every soldier was able to do the functions of an officer.

Schomberg had passed through England on his way to command the French forces in Portugal (he was also to command the English a year later). He advised Charles to send "the military men that had served under Cromwell, whom he thought were the best officers he had ever seen: and he was sorry to see they were dismissed, and that a company of wild young men men were those the King relied on"

JonTom Kittredge   Link to this

Blackburne, Hewer and Social Class
That's an interesting point Mr Feldman. Class is obviously a crucial element in the landscape of the diary, but I think can be a little hard to discern the contours, when the people in the diary took it for granted.

For instance, it seems like the divisions were a little less stark in Pepys' day than they became in the 19th C (notice that, though SP marks his rise up life's ladder, he gives no consciousness of having crossed a huge divide when he moves from being Sandwich's servant to being a top adviser of the Duke of Y).

Anyway, not to natter on, but I think it's misleading to refer to Will Hewer as Pepys' "serving boy," the way Wayne Birch was. It seems he was more of an apprentice clerk, "under articles". (SPOILER: As I recall, he became quite successful in maturity. Didn't Pepys' spend his last years at his house?).

Bradford   Link to this

This text of this entry runs, says Word, to 2,460 words. Now, who's keeping count for us?

Terry F   Link to this

Today's three great discourses

MS Word counts 252 words on the discourse of the Duke's committee; the 310-word discourse with Dr. Pearce; the 1485 words of both parts of the discourse with Mr. Blackborne (not counting the discussion about and with Will Hewer).

aqua   Link to this

went,
Trepan/trapan: "... Captain Oates, a great discoverer, did employ several to bring and seduce others into a plot, and that one of his agents met with one that would not listen to him, nor conceal what he had offered him, but so detected the trapan. This, he says, is most true..."
previous uses:
http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1663/02/23/
"...but a little dirty boy before the gate, did make me quake and sweat to think he might be a Trepan. But there was nobody, and so I got safe into the garden..."

http://www.pepysdiary.com/diary/1661/09/11/

"..a Frenchman, to wait on him, and come to have my wife to visit a young lady which he is a servant to, and have hope to trepan and get for his wife. I did give way for my wife to go with him, and so after dinner they went,..."
OED:
trapan trepan n/v
[A word of obscure and low origin, prob. originally a term of thieves' or rogues' slang. According to the known evidence, originally applied to a person in sense 1 below (quots. 1641, 1653). Thence arose the verb describing the action of such persons, TREPAN v.2, found in various constructions 1656-62. Hence, finally, a second use of the n. as a name of the action,
1665, sense 2 here. The earlier spelling of the n. was trapan, probably formed in some way from TRAP n.1 or v.1 The change to trepan, seen first in the vb., may have been due to association with TREPAN v.1 (a much earlier and well known word), of which TREPAN v.2 may have been supposed to be some sort of fig. application.
No F. trapan or trapaner in this sense is recognized by Littré, Hatz.-Darm., Cotgrave, Godefroy. Nor is there any reason to connect trapan with OProv. trapon 'sorte de piège', nor with It. trapanare = TREPAN v.1]
1. A person who entraps or decoys others into actions or positions which may be to his advantage and to their ruin or loss. Also applied to an animal (quot. 1686).
1641 T. JORDAN Walks of Islington II. ii. (1657) Dijb, If we had known you had been a Trapan, you should ne'r have been admitted into our company.
1653 (title) The Total Rout, or a Brief Discovery Of a Pack of Knaves and Drabs, intituled Pimps, Panders, Hectors, Trapans, Nappers, Mobs, and Spanners.
2. [f. TREPAN v.2] The action of entrapping; a stratagem, trick; a trap or snare.
1665 Surv. Aff. Netherl. 131 So the Muscovite likely, upon a Trepan upon him, to be none of their mildest Foes, hath Engrossed the Comerce of the Caspian Sea
. c1668 Roxb. Ball. (1891) VII. 380 Beware of Trappans: Maids, look to your Hits.
OED
other modern/ old usage: to bore or cut bone or put hole in noggin:

Roy Feldman   Link to this

Whoops, I was confusing Wayne with Will. (I was afraid I might be doing that.)

Odd that a subordinate would board with Pepys. It makes sense with tradesmen's apprentices, but not so much with office workers. It also reminds me of how Creed is always spending the night with Pepys. Co-workers seem to have been on closer terms in those days...

Ruben   Link to this

Blackburne, Hewer and Social Class
I presume that Social Class is not a matter of what your job is but into which family you were born.
Samuel is the best example of this. His father was a tailor but the family was an "old family", ingrained in one of the central areas of England and relatives to those that later become central to the restauration of monarchy. His chance in life came from this, is blood connections and of course also his diligence. Will's family background belonged probably to the same class as Pepys. Pepys was giving him an opportunity just like the one he got.

jeannine   Link to this

"SPOILER: As I recall, he became quite successful in maturity. Didn't Pepys' spend his last years at his house?)."
FURTHER SPOILERS: Yes, JonTom you are correct. Sam lived out his later years with Will, who was a very true friend to him throughout his life, which makes it even more interesting to read the entries about him as of late, where he obviously is going through some "growing pains".

Bradford   Link to this

Pepys's tacit acceptance of the divine right of sovereigns hardly ever bubbles to the surface, so basic is it to his mindset---even here, where discussion of what is good for the King (synecdoche for the kingdom?) remains paramount though the private behavior of this particular HRH is dubious.

"This, he says, is most true."
The 1663 version of today's "I know it for a fact." You don't regard the speaker as insincere, much less a liar; but you don't lend much credence to the fact asserted, either.

Robert Gertz   Link to this

I think we've just seen a great insight into Sam's divided conscience. He still has a lot of the old supporter of Parliament and Oliver (a great Roundhead( in him and talking so unrestainedly to Blackburne has let it bubble through for the first time in a long time.

Terry F   Link to this

"the Bellamys (who had some of the Northern counties assigned them for their debt for the petty warrant victualling) have often complained to him that they cannot get it collected, for that nobody minds, or, if they do, they won’t pay it in."

L&M explain that the Bellamys "had unpaid bills for petty-warrants (locally bought) victuals supplied in Chatham and London going back to 1658 and amounting to at least £6,000."

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