Monday 5 October 1668

[In this part of the “Diary” no entry occurs for thirteen days, though there are several pages left blank. During the interval Pepys went into the country, as he subsequently mentions his having been at Saxham, in Suffolk, during the king’s visit to Lord Crofts, which took place at this time (see October 23rd, host). He might also probably have gone to Impington to fetch his wife. The pages left blank were never filled up. — B.]

30 Annotations

First Reading

Terry Foreman  •  Link

This will concern Mr. Pepys

Oct. 5. Monday.
The letter from the Navy Commissioners about half-a-year’s pay for the yards is to be considered to-morrow. Mr. Wadlow to attend then. The Navy Office to give an accompt what money will be due to the yards for the extraordinary fleet of this year, that money may be had for it on the Wine Act. [Treasury Minute Book II. p. 450.]…

Terry Foreman  •  Link

Glyn, I can from mid-south USA. Thanks for the link.

JWB  •  Link

Sailing to Virginia

"Economic history of Virginia in the seventeenth century: An ..., Volume 2" By Philip Alexander Bruce, p 347-9…

"In the instances in which the English merchant owned the ship transporting his commodities to the Colony, the most serious charge which he had to meet was the wages of his captain and seamen, an item of importance on account of the length of the voyage, since the vessel not infrequently took a circuitous route, touching first at the Canaries, then at Barbadoes, and finally reaching an anchorage in the waters of one of the Virginian rivers.3 The remuneration of the shipmaster was probably about nine pounds sterling a month ;4 that of a sailor in 1668 was thirty shillings for the same length of time.6 There is an instance recorded in Lower Norfolk in 1680 in which a common mariner was paid only eight shillings. Fifteen years later, there was a second instance in the same county,in which a seaman received by the month two pounds and four shillings; a chief mate, four pounds; a ship physician and carpenter, three pounds and ten shillings respectively. In 1695, a suit was brought in Lower Norfolk for work performed on the vessel of Captain Phillips during the course of twenty-five days and twenty-four nights, at the rate of eighteen pence for each twelve hours.1

If the merchant was not the owner of a vessel, his principal expense in transporting his goods to the Colony was the charge for freight. The rates did not vary materially in any part of the seventeenth century. During the administration of the Company, the cost was three pounds sterling a ton;2 in one case recorded, of that period, a rate of two pounds sterling was offered and accepted.3 In 1649, the freight charge upon each ton was three pounds, and at this figure it remained.4

The seamen were far from being a class of men on whom reliance could be placed. As soon as Virginia acquired a very considerable population, there was a strong disposition on the part of many of the persons thus employed to desert their vessels upon their arrival in the Colony, and by 1690, the evil had grown to such proportions that a special proclamation was issued by Governor Nicholson with a view to suppressing it. In order to increase the vigilance of shipmasters, a bond with a penalty of one thousand pounds sterling was required of them that they would return all the sailors to England whom they had brought into Virginia. They were commanded to act with the utmost fairness to their seamen, who, in case the contracts with them as to food and other necessaries were not faithfully performed, had the right to enter complaint with the nearest justice of the peace. Particular orders were published that no one should entertain a fugitive mariner, and that all ferrymen should refuse to set him over their ferries unless he could present a note from his captain showing that he had received permission to leave his ship. Any person could arrest him without warrant."

JWB  •  Link

I see from Jim's link above that the average length of indenture was 4.4 years. Recently I was looking into the hisory of an ancestor who left York in 1661 under indenture for Nevis in Leeward Islands. He was eleven at the time. Ten years later he showed up married & owning over 100 acres in New Jersey.

Second Reading

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Since you mention Nevis ... Between 1624 and 1632, St. Christopher (St. Kitts), Barbados, Nevis, Monserrat, Providence and Antigua were settled by the English. The typical arrangement governing settlement was a grant by the king to a trading company, and the grant defined the parameters of settlement.

Wherever they settled, the English quickly asserted their rights and liberties against the mother country, and saw themselves as English abroad, whatever their motives for emigration.

In the Caribbean, the native Carib peoples with whom the settlers came into contact were subject to episodic violence by the English and French.

More slaves from West Africa were brought to Providence Island, off Columbia, than to any other English colony before 1640. Qualms by some of the investors and colonists over the legitimacy of slavery was overcome by the perceived need to acquire more labor than emigration from England could provide.

When the Spanish overran Providence Island in 1641, ending English rule there, they captured 350 English and 381 slaves.

In England, the opening of the Parliament in November 1640 provided the new arena for conflict between King Charles and the Puritan opposition, compared to which the failure of Providence Island was of no consequence, and the jarring discord of Black slavery in a colony founded to promote Puritan English liberties was simply not perceived or articulated at Westminster.

The Caribbean colonies were intended to be engines of trade, and in terms of the labor market, Barbados was by far the most significant. White labor there was provided by indentured servants. But neither the scale of white immigrant labor, nor the principles upon which it rested, were sufficient to service the new booming sugar industry, which took over from tobacco and cotton cultivation in the West Indies from the 1640s.

Sugar production was highly profitable, supplying an insatiable European market: by the mid-1650s sugar accounted for nearly half the cargoes imported into Bristol, England’s second largest port, and it all came from the Caribbean.

The scale and the processes involved in sugar production (crushing and boiling in continuous, 24-7 shifts, plus back-breaking cultivation, all in searing, humid heat) required cheap, expendable labor (European workers could not withstand the conditions), and West Africans were the answer. Slave labor grew in parallel with the scale of sugar production.

Slaves were regarded as the moveable property (chattels) of their white owners. The practice of chattel slavery in English colonies barely impinged on the consciousness of MPs in Parliament. Curiously the scale of chattel slavery in the Caribbean expanded when the champions of English liberties came into power, and then the scale increased dramatically after the Restoration.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link


In Barbados there were 6,000 slaves in 1645, but 42,000 in 1698; in Jamaica, 1,500 in 1656 and more than 41,000 at the end of the 17th century.

As the slave trade developed, the code governing ownership of slaves tightened. After the introduction of the Slave Codes of 1661, slaves could be designated as real estate, by which they were regarded as unalienable parts of the estates from which they were forbidden to leave.

The distinction between offering the native American/Carib peoples the opportunities presented by European ideas of education and conversion to Christianity, exemplified in the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England (1649) were never extended to those who in the Slave Codes were called ‘heathenish’ and ‘brutish’.

As slavery advanced, there was still no significant discussion in Parliament, where Members were preoccupied with the rights and liberties of the English, and not with extending privileges to others.

Highlights and excerpts from Slavery, the Caribbean and English Liberties, 1620-1640

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

'Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 5, 1661-1668, ed. W Noel Sainsbury (London, 1880), pp. 615-622. British History Online…

October 1668

Oct. 5. 1668
#1851. Gov. Sir Thos. Modyford to the Duke of Albemarle.

Has made bold to present another paper, whereby the cruelty and false dealing of our neighbors is manifested.

It is certainly true that this island of Providence had never any white men on it until the English came, who first felled the trees and planted the land;
so that though these privateers had no order to take it, yet having once restored his Majesty to his ancient right, the retaking of it is a violating of the peace which they so much pretend to in these parts, which, with the breach of articles and ill-usage of our countrymen, is humbly referred to further consideration.

[The island of Providence…]

Deposition of Robt. Rawlinsone, Isaac Webber, and Richard Cree,
before Sir Thos. Modyford,
concerning the Spaniards' dealings with the English upon Providence Island.

The 1st August 1666, having espied six sail of Spanish men-of-war, the Governor, Major Samuel Smith, commanded the inhabitants, "we were but one and fifty men," to keep in five or six forts on the Lesser Island;

they fought the Spaniards four days, until four forts being taken they surrendered on condition of having a small barque to transport them to Jamaica.

But when they had laid down their arms the Spaniards refused them the barque, and carried them slaves to Porto Bello, where they were chained to the ground in a dungeon 12 foot by 10, in which were 33 prisoners.

They were forced to work in the water from five in the morning till seven at night, and at such a rate that the Spaniards confessed they made one of them do more work than any three negroes, yet when weak with want of victuals and sleep they were knocked down and beaten with cudgells, and four or five died.

Having no clothes, their backs were blistered with the sun, their heads scorched, their necks, shoulders, and hands raw with carrying stones and mortar, their feet chopped, and their legs bruised and battered with the irons, and their corpses were noisome one to another.

The daily abuses of their religion and their King, and the continual trouble they had with friars, would be tedious to mention.

Certified to be a true copy by Sir Thos. Modyford, 5th Oct. 1668.
Together 2-½ pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXIII., Nos. 60, 60 I.]

Stephane Chenard  •  Link

Another beep on the Pepys tracker: Sir George Downing wrote him from the Treasury, "Do not fail to meet me at Sir Robert Long's house to-morrow, about the money employed for the Fleet, on which we should have met the week before" (State Paper No. 107). His wiki entry says Robert Long MP has a house in Nonsuch, southwest of London and a possible stopover on Sam's way from Portsmouth. Probably there's also a pied-à-terre in London but, if not, either Sir George as he wrote his letter thought Sam was at his desk in the Office, and Sam won't get much rest tonight before he jumps onto another coach (Nonsuch is just far enough to be a pain to get to), or he knew Sam was on the road and a system has been arranged for him to check on the mail.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

According to "-B" Pepys returned to London on October 3, so there would be no problem with him meeting Robert Long MP (the auditor of the Receipt of the Exchequer 1662-d. 1673) "at his house" on October 5.

Did Long have a house in London? Good question ... Nonsuch is about 18 miles from the City, so it is an easy day round-trip on horseback, which is how Pepys visited the Exchequer when it moved to Nonsuch during the plague years.

With the housing crunch since the Fire, that seems more than likely, especially as the Court is racing at Newmarket and terrorizing the good people of Little Saxham, so there is no real need for Long to be on-call 24/7 at Westminster.
Maybe Long had the use of a room at Westminster or St. James's Palace for over-nighting?

Terry has posted a notice tomorrow from the Treasury saying Pepys is still in London on Tues., Oct 6.

L&M says Pepys joins the Court at Little Saxham on Wed., Oct. 7.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

I'm wrong again ... the L&M note says Pepys arrived in Little Saxham on October 6.

This is a hard one ... the City of London to Little Saxham is 75 miles.
So either Long was in London for an early morning meeting, and Pepys had a late start, and stopped somewhere overnight,
or Pepys missed the Long meeting altogether,
or Pepys rode straight from Nonsuch towards Little Saxham.

I'm surprised Pepys never filled in these blank pages with some basic notes.
It must have been a fun few days out of the office, seeing how the one percent lives, and getting into adventures made possible by Elizabeth's absence.
I think he was summoned by James, Duke of York; there was too much going on with the Committees to leave London for no particular reason.
Just turning up, uninvited, would have indicated he had nothing better to do, and was seeking attention.

The novelist's delight ... so many activities can be written into a vacuum like this.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 35, 1666-1668, ed. Allen B Hinds (London, 1935), pp. 278-295. British History Online…
October 1668, 1–15
Pages 278 – 295

Oct. 5. 1668
Senato, Secreta.
Deliberazioni, Corti.
Venetian Archives.

#352. To the Ambassador in England.

Enclose sheet of recent news from Candia, as it may stimulate a disposition to help.

Hope of assistance is encouraged by the news sent by Marchesini that the Pensionary Witz has announced a grant of 2,000 infantry if it is granted by some other than England, so that the republic may not be prejudiced by delay in making it in the advantage which may now be considered unquestionable on the side of that crown.

It is clear that the Grand Turk means to make supreme efforts for the third campaign and therefore the need is greater to succour the exhausted forces of the republic.

Commend his efforts to conciliate the favour of Arlinton and feel persuaded that the preservation of the trade cannot receive any harm from the resolutions asked for.
There can be no doubt with the goodwill shown by the secretary towards the republic, that the ambassador will know how to turn it to good account and the Senate be able to see the fruits of it in this most essential point.

Glad to learn of the selection of a person to respond to the embassy sent.
He is to continue to encourage this intention displaying warmth and eagerness for this countersign of esteem.

Ayes, 86. Noes, 1. Neutral, 0.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Oct. 5. 1668
Senato, Secreta.
Dispacci, Inghilterra.
Venetian Archives.

#353. Piero Mocenigo, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.

The excessive graciousness of the king [CHARLES II] in showing honour to the most serene republic in my person, could only be paralleled with that of the queen, whose occupation with her devotions on the day of St. Matthew, was not allowed to postpone my public audience after Monday, the date by the old style.

Earl Craven who was appointed to fetch me and take me to the Court from the house, wished to some extent to thwart this friendly disposition, by claiming the civility (introduced by royal ministers some time since, of meeting earls on the staircase, but enlarged by those of Sweden by receiving in an apartment at the foot of the stairs, once because of the confined space and at another time for an unknown reason) should be adopted by me and that I should follow the example of the Swedes. (fn. 2)
• 2. Mocenigo has written “Svezia” and “Svezzesi.”

On hearing this I adopted the more suave course and not considering it advisable to differentiate myself from the ambassadors of France and Spain, I based my stand on the respect due to the king, as if I treated his excellency in a different way from that adopted with Earl Anglise, who had the same character, it would be an affront to his Majesty in the person of the earl.
Arthur Annesley, 1st Earl of Anglesey, treasurer of the navy.
This argument being supported by the authority of the duke of Arundel, so prudent in his protests, ready with compromises, strong in his support, practically forced Earl Craven to accept the position.
Arundel = Henry Howard, second son of the former earl of Arundel. He later became the Duke of Norfolk.
So he was at my house at the hour appointed with the queen, received by gentlemen at the door, by me half way up the stairs and given the title of Excellency in the room on the first floor.

I rendered him every courtesy and he responded most fully, the difficulty having been due to the earl's peculiarity who sometimes sins by being too exact.

After some discussion his Excellency agreed to Signori Giustiniani and Tron entering the royal coach. [MORE ABOUT THESE VENETIAN GENTLEMEN BELOW]

We were also favoured that day by the duke of Arundel and a procession of more than forty coaches and six.
We proceeded to the palace of Vitheal [WHITEHALL], where his Majesty usually resides.
Dismounting at the gateway I was met by the Court Marshal, who led the way through two covered courts, where companies of the guards were drawn up, with their banners displayed.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

I proceeded to the council chamber to wait until their Majesties were ready on the throne and I could go to them.
The time was spent in an exchange of messengers through these same courts and the new staircase which is being built, although the scarcity of money prevents the completion of this great work which was begun before the troubles.

I went on to the door of the famous and splendid hall, adorned for that day with superb hangings.

There I was received by Earl Behet, first gentleman of the bedchamber (fn. 3) in the absence of Earl Manchester, the Lord Chamberlain. The guards found it difficult to make a way through the curious throng.
• 3. John Grenville, earl of Bath.

The king and queen were seated under a rich baldachino, surrounded by many lords of the Council and leading men of the country, and on the queen's side there was a good number of ladies.
On my appearance and at my first reverence the king uncovered and their Majesties stood up.
With two more reverences I mounted the royal dais and was graciously welcomed.

After the king had made me cover I said that the republic had honoured me by appointing me as ambassador in ordinary to his Majesty and my principal task would be to increase the old standing friendship.
The Senate desired the good will of these formidable kingdoms before that of any other prince and they felt confident that his Majesty's zeal would stimulate him to stem the torrent of barbarous infidels, who wanted to subjugate Christendom, by protests and by his superior authority, with more which I need not repeat.

I spoke in Italian, and as his Majesty understands the language very well, he did not employ an interpreter.
He answered in French in a low tone of voice.
He promised to respond to the friendliness of the republic as his ancestors had done.
He would always see me gladly as the minister of a prince whose interests were similar.
He would rejoice at the success of the republic in its long and glorious struggle, and for his part he would contribute what was possible.
He always raised his hat when he named the republic and I showed a like respect in mentioning his royal person.
With the queen I followed the example of the other ambassadors, distinguishing the sex by remaining uncovered.
I told her that I was expressly charged by the Senate to express their esteem for her, and I had special credentials, which I presented.
The republic felt certain that its hopes for her strong support in the interests of religion would not be disappointed.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

The queen received the ducal letters into her own hands, and as she understands no language but her native one and English, with some difficulty, the interpreter was employed.
She expressed appreciation of the office and the best disposition towards the republic.

With a smile I replied that although her Majesty was a party it was received by me as a unique pledge.

Before the Secretary Alberti I presented to their Majesties Sig. Andrea Tron and Sig. Ascanio Giustiniani, the king being pleased to hear that they had come so far to admire the greatness of his realm.
He paid particular attention to Sig. Giustiniani, well remembering the Ambassador, his father, who in a long ministry, knew how to reconcile the service and satisfaction of the king, his father, and that of the republic. (fn. 4)
4. Giovanni Giustinian, who was ambassador in England from August 1638 to December 1642

At this point I must refer to the public spirit of these gentlemen who, disdaining the discomforts of the journey, have elected to appear at this Court to add splendour to the embassy.
I wish that I could have them here longer, but their desire to gain experience of other countries will deprive me of this pleasure only too soon.
Their capacity to learn will soon render them capable of the duties with which they will be entrusted by the state.

After making these presentations I took leave, their Majesties standing, the king uncovered, and always facing the throne I made three more reverences.

At the door Earl Behet bowed and earl Craven did not leave me except at the coach.
He would have come to the house if I had not wished to go straight to the duke and duchess of Hiorch [YORK].
I thought it more honourable to enjoy the royal coach and the forty others of gentlemen invited by the earl than to be favoured by him as far as the house, to proceed later to audience of their Highnesses with my own coaches only.

The necessary arrangements having been made by the Master of the Ceremonies, the guards of the duke of Hiorch were turned out at the gate of the palace and in the apartments.

I was met on the staircase by the master of the Horse.
Several rooms within I found the duke, surrounded by gentlemen.
I handed him the ducal letters with suitable remarks to show esteem and confidence in his influence and friendliness, reserving an appeal for his support.

Taking leave I went on to the duchess, who, in the midst of a large number of ladies, was pleased at the compliment.
In receiving the credentials she assured me, through the interpreter, that she would be glad of opportunities of serving the republic.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

To her and to the duke I presented the Venetian noblemen and the Secretary Alberti.
Of the last I take leave to say that he has deserved well of the state, as hardly had he escaped from the expense and toil of his service at Rome in the long and glorious embassy of Sig. Quirini, than he undertook this charge, which makes no lesser demands upon his health and fortune.

The Master of the Horse of the duchess of Hiorch, who met me at the door of the apartment, took me back to the staircase, and with the Master of the Ceremonies, who waited on me all day, I returned to my own dwelling.

To avoid mixing compliments with business I may add that having obtained secret audience of the king on Tuesday, I sent at the same time to Prince Rupert and the duke of Molmuth, his Majesty's natural son, and while the prince could not then arrange a visit I know that I pleased his Majesty greatly by thus following the example of the ambassadors in visiting the duke with such promptitude, as he rejoices at every act of regard shown to his son, and I received the best entertainment.

The same day after dinner I visited Prince Rupert.
Although I did not present letters I assured him of the republic's esteem and the confidence that he would not be unlike himself for the interests of the republic and those of Christendom.
The prince was very courteous, receiving me at the staircase and accompanying me as far as the royal garden, while making copious expression of his regard for the republic.

So I left with the hope of receiving the warmest assistance when required.

I have also returned the visits of the ambassadors of France and Holland.
There is still Spain who for the second time asked me for a day.

Yesterday I was busy with the visits of the Ambassadors Colbert and Borel, already appointed, and the lack of time prevented me from receiving his favours.

To-morrow I shall begin to visit the ministers of the Court, and shall attach myself to those who can help me, amid so many delays, to obtain some advantage for my country.

I hope that my efforts will produce some result.

London, the 5th October, 1668.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Oct. 5. 1668
Senato, Secreta.
Dispacci, Inghilterra.
Venetian Archives.

#354. Piero Mocenigo, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.

My impatience to obey your Serenity's commands led me to ask for a secret audience at the same time as I had the public one.

This having been obtained for me by the Master of the Ceremonies, I went on Tuesday morning to Court, by the garden gate, dressed in the English fashion, as here the usual robe is only worn at the first public function.

Arrived at the apartment near his Majesty I waited some moments, and the doors being thrown open, the gentlemen serving the king came out at my appearance.
The place being left free his Majesty standing, uncovered, near the window overlooking the river very graciously gave me the opportunity to say whatever I wished.

I told him that as the Senate's regard for him could not be doubted I would merely speak of their confidence of receiving from him the help that was always expected of his zeal for Christendom; that Candia, the sole bulwark of Christendom, was being hard pressed by the might of the Turks.
This was recognised by all the princes, not one of whom had failed to hasten with prompt succour.
I spoke warmly of the intentions expressed by the Dutch, the more considerable because the urgent needs of Candia rendered help more necessary than ever.
The Dutch were so forward that, overcoming all difficulties, they permitted the lading of munitions for Candia in their ports on their own ships, and some which were going straight to that place had been escorted by their fleet.
When asked to ship 2,400 men of the princes of Luneburgo they permitted it readily, notwithstanding that the men came from their own garrisons, without caring if the barbarians noticed and took offence, for they are only proud when they are not fought, and they understand no argument but force.
Not content with this they cherished great hopes with the insinuation of 2,000 men paid, and that the friendliness of his Majesty would take shape in some succour of troops as well as of gunpowder and munitions, thus realising his promises.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

These great kingdoms provided abundant means and the moment could not be more opportune as the transport from here to Holland of a considerable succour in gunpowder and munitions, without any charge or observation, would complete the cargoes of the ships; and these with the troops of Bransuich and those of the States, forming a considerable body under the flag of the state, no one would distinguish of what members it was composed, and it alone would be capable of going straight to the relief of Candia.
No prince was more interested in the glory of this crown than the republic which counted on double assistance from it, owing to the impulse it would give to the Dutch, and this crown which had given peace to the Most Christian would add to its glory by arresting the attack of Turkish barbarity.

The king replied that no one cared for the interests of the republic more than himself, but I knew the misfortunes of the country and the considerations of the Levant trade.
The Dutch were watching this and would take advantage of any declaration he made.
The republic deserved everything and if every one would take a share he would do his part even to driving the Turks out of Christendom.
If the Dutch would join, he on his side would not fail to contribute his proper share.
They had an ambassador here and one could speak to him, practically intimating that without prompting he would promote a conversation with that ambassador.

Here turning to the affairs of Candia he assured me that he was eager for news.
It had pleased him exceedingly when the captain of an English ship, grown old by ten years' service in the fleet, reassured him about the fortress of Candia, saying that it was untakeable.

I answered that the fortress of le Mara was not sufficient to render the place secure.
By the conflict with fire and sword Italy was now stripped of troops and munitions, besides so much else received from the emperor, the king of France and other princes well known to his Majesty.
A considerable succour in munitions would be a small matter for this great country, such as, in a moment of such necessity would suffice to guard the inheritance of so friendly a prince.
I said that his Majesty's promise to do his share and to speak to the Ambassador Borel had touched my heart.
It would render him the most distinguished benefactor of Christendom, as not only would he deliver the kingdom of Candia, the defence of the Mediterranean and a bulwark of Christendom, but would confine those barbarians within their own limits which are all too great, and cause them to respect princes who are the friends of this most distinguished crown.
I urged him to carry out his glorious intention, speaking to the Ambassador Borel and writing to Temple, ambassador at The Hague, confirming the obligations to him of your Excellencies who would never forget this great favour.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

The king listened attentively and said he was most well-disposed and regarded the interests of the republic with sympathy.

I told him it was a question of saving from the hands of the infidels ports which were capable of receiving most powerful fleets, which would become nests of pirates, and would control navigation.

When the king asked about their size I told him that the most considerable were Suda, Spinalonga or Carabuse, which were guarded by the republic as keys.
As the king merely repeated his readiness without specifying any sort of succour I thought it well to add that your Excellencies would think it due to my shortcomings and not to lack of zeal in his Majesty, if with so many examples and so just a cause, they did not see some result of his generosity.

At this the king smiled, but did not specify anything further, though he gave me a most kind reception.
He received me with the graciousness of a great gentleman, but in negotiation he observed the reserve of a prince.
This encouraged me to ask to see the Secretary Arlinton.

When I asked for this on the occasion of a visit at the palace, his Excellency was occupied in the Council, and the appointment is only for to-morrow.
I shall urge a better explanation of the king's wishes about joining with the Lords States, and seek at least some definite promise, to make use of it in Holland.
Unless the good intentions of his Majesty are diverted by the tenacious policy of the ministers here, as I greatly fear, we need not despair of some generous resolution.

In the mean time I will not cease to point out to Arlinton that the serious case of Candia admits of no delay, and that the better course of union with the Dutch should not spoil the good one of the defence of the place, always insisting upon a prompt succour of munitions and materials, in accordance with your Serenity's definite instructions.

London, the 5th October, 1668.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Oct. 5. 1668
Senato, Secreta.
Dispacci. Inghilterra.
Venetian Archives.

#355. Piero Mocenigo, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.

No sooner had I done with the audiences and palace visits than I decided to return the courtesies of the French and Dutch ambassadors.

I will first relate what was said by Colbert and Borel.

What passed with the latter on the question of succour is related to what is written in the preceding letter.
Little time and few words were devoted to compliments and the ambassador at once asked me what I had done about succours and I told him what had happened at the audience.

I spoke highly of his Majesty's disposition to assist so important a cause, and that he was not far from a union with the States for operating jointly in the interest of a friendly prince.
I would not tell him positively of the intention expressed to me by his Majesty because I was not sure that the ministers and the Council would leave him in the same state of mind about joining with the Dutch.
So I merely insinuated it, to give some body to my words and in the hope of some advantage if there was any sign of their being realised.

The ambassador answered in the most general way about the goodwill of the States to the most serene republic, and not allowing himself to be kept to the point of the succours, changed the subject which I was unable to get back to, not even by a show of confidence.
I told him that a minister here had assured me that the Levant trade had cooled their good will owing to the reserve shown by the Lords States.

When I suggested that in a matter of such urgency there ought rather to be a competition as to who should declare first, Borel proceeded to tell me that it would be a good thing for England and Holland jointly at the Porte to uphold the rights of the republic, protesting to the Turks that it was the fixed determination of the Christian powers that the kingdom of Candia should not remain in their hands, to prevent the ports there from becoming perpetual resorts of corsairs and of the common enemies.
If they would not listen to peace the republic should be assisted with powerful help, in order to obtain by force what was in dispute, and to enforce peace by arms.

He added that the ministers of the emperor and the king of France might also join, to add weight to the protest.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

I commended the idea as glorious for Holland, which had so conspicuously vindicated its authority in past transactions, so that the States were recognised as the arbiters of war and peace.
I urged him to write to get commissions from the States to speak about it definitely to his Majesty and the ministers.

Borel readily promised to ask for permission while I undertook to advise the Secretary Marchesini to present a memorial in conformity at The Hague.
With equal punctuality I undertook to acquaint Marchesini with everything, and as he already holds adequate commissions from your Serenity, I have not troubled to stimulate his zeal, as I know that he will do what is best for the public service.

But I commend the idea of such a union as the sole means of giving peace to the republic and delivering Christendom from ruin.
I pointed out that the imminent perils called for prompt remedies, and that a small but prompt aid was worth more than great hopes which were late.
It was not prudent to leave the substance and clutch at the shadow although the former was smaller.
The republic ought to be able to promise itself so much from such great and powerful princes, from reasons of state and of friendship.

I am inclined to think that this project of a union of powers to insist upon peace, which has always come from Dutch ministers, as your Excellencies know, will not be discountenanced by the States, and from this side, while never losing sight of prompt succours, I will try to get the orders given to Harvis to negotiate the peace alone, changed for commissions to make a joint protest with the others, although the emperor will always be reluctant to commit himself because of his frontiers, and the king of France, disgusted with the Porte, has recalled Haye.
“Harvis” is Amb. Daniel Harvey, who recently left for the Levant.
I will avail myself of this opening for the complete withdrawal of the steps taken for the mediation of peace, in the hands of Harvis.
Without disclosing, except in case of necessity, the disapproval of your Excellencies, it will be useful for me to know the nature of the office entrusted to the Resident Vincenti at Florence with the Ambassador Harvis, so that I may conform to the ideas of the state.

In my visit to the French ambassador I repeated the state's appreciation of the action of the Most Christian and the example he set to all princes of Christendom.
I showed confidence by telling him of my secret audience of his Majesty, though only about the succours.
I asked for his support as his king would be pleased for the words of his ministers to have effect.
I placed great confidence in the influence of his offices.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Colbert thanked me and promised to act when he had an opening.
He spoke at length of the urgent case of Candia and the Most Christian's knowledge of it, who had shown his regard for the republic in several ways.
Such ideas obliged me to assure Colbert of the state's appreciation, and taking leave of him I departed.

[Acknowledges the state letters of the 13th September.]

To ensure the observance of the order for quarantine imposed upon ships coming from Rouen and the countries newly conquered by France, a ship of war has been sent to the mouth of the river, and their watchfulness will be increased in proportion to the need.

I will renew my efforts to find out the reason for the claim of the ministers of the post here in the matter of payment for the carriage of letters, as I now find that these ministers are protected by great persons who are interested in the posts and who want to make some profit for themselves out of it.

I will keep your Excellencies informed of everything.

London, the 5th October, 1668.

Stephane Chenard  •  Link

On Piero's amazingly detailed report "BEG[ging] THE QUESTION" of what calendar he uses: Venice is this ultra-modern land whence all invention comes - opera, glassware, mirrors such as the northern barbarians can only drool about, while rummaging for a few of their misshapen coins to buy a square yard. Of course it has adopted the newfangled popish invention, the Gregorian calendar. We too were shocked to find out; it makes time as shaky for our Society as a ship's bridge in a storm!

John Evelyn on "17th September", a Thursday, had offered breakfast to the Venetian ambassador, "this being the day of making his public entry" (…) Piero himself sent Venice a detailed report dated September 28 on the spectacular event, which happened "yesterday [so, Sept. 27], a Thursday". Our learned book-seller Mr. Google supplied us with a clever devyce to convert calendars (at…) which confirms that the 17th (Julian) is indeed the 27th (Gregorian), and both a Thursday. Argh!

This begs another distressing question, which others more erudite than us have doubtelessly already answered: Which calendar does the Gazette use when it reports foreign dispatches? Now we suspect a patchwork of domestic reports dated in Julian, and foreign news (usually written from the foreigners' standpoint) in Gregorian. To complicate it all, in No. 298 the damn Gazette had a report on Mocenigo's grand entry dated "Sept. 23" and placing it "on Monday last", i.e. 9/21 (Julian).

It supplies the useful detail that the 40 coaches in the ambassador's cavalcade were "Coaches and six Horses" no less. We estimate that the 240 horses, the big coaches and the various escorts on foot and on horse would have made a convoy over 800 meters long. Try to manoeuver that along the ~2 kilometers of twisting streets they navigated from Piero's hourse to the king's barge on dockside. But how could the Gazette print the wrong date for an event so memorable? Or is everyone in England bumbling about and asking "pray, what day are we? I say, I thought we were Monday".

Stephane Chenard  •  Link

As for the Tuesday of the secret audience, this would have been October 2 (Gregorian, or Sept. 25 Julian). The public entry must have been such an exhausting event that there's no way the secret meet could happen "at the same time", and Piero despite his "impatience" took a leisurely three days to compose his long report. On the other hand, it's not like he had a lot of really usefull news to send home, and he may have twisted his quill this way and that quite a bit to find how to put being fobbed off again in the best light.

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

The volume of Domestic State Papers covering correspondence from Oct. 1668 to Dec. 1669 is at…

Oct. 5 1668.
Lord O'Brian to [Williamson].

I came to Chester on Wednesday, and shipped my goods on Thursday, resolving to put out the next tide;
but the wind came about to the southwest so violently, with most terrible storms of rain, that despairing of a passage, I came to Holyhead through the most heathenish country ever any man travelled.

The packet is expected tomorrow from London, and I shall then put out with it for Dublin.

I hope my lady and my wife with the children got safe to you, and will spend a happy winter.
[2 pages. S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 98.]

Oct. 5 1668.
Fras. Bellott to Williamson.

Arrival and departure of ships.
Thirty sail are waiting a fair wind.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 100.]

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Oct. 5 1668.
Thos. Gardiner to Williamson.

If you can accommodate my friend with his desire, I crave despatch in it;
if it succeeds effectually, he has 20 pieces to present you with, and some for the solicitor.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 101.]

Note for Pierre d'Artiague of Bayonne, captain of the Golden Herring,
laden with salt, wine, cloth, &c.,

to come from Bayonne to England, and return to Bayonne, on the account of John Westcombe, English Consul there.
[French. S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 1011.]

Oct. 5 1668.
Ralph Hope to [Williamson].

I must complain of the miscarriage of my letters for 5 successive Sundays,
and of the remissness of the post here.
I fear some sinister practice; pray inquire into it.

I hope to see your relations on their return,
and to have a more happy opportunity of waiting on them than on the last occasion.
Your namesake and Mr. King send their salutes.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 103.]

San Diego Sarah  •  Link

Oct. 5 1668.
Lord Keeper Bridgeman to (Williamson).

I received yours with the several extracts and letter for Lisle,
and Seć. Trevor came hither and showed me several packets.

I read over Sir Wm. Temple's long letter and some others, and made remarks upon them, whereof Mr. Secretary took notes, and promised to write to Lord Arlington.

The advice from Lisle, concerning the wools, is of huge importance to endeavour a remedy, though late;
the Attorney had order a fortnight since to report to Council how he found the laws concerning wool, and wherein defective.
I know not what has been done in it, though order was given by Lord Arlington that I should have extracts of what is done at every Council.

I think that letters ought to be written from the Board to the Mayor of Canterbury, and the justices and deputy lieutenants in East Kent, and the coasts of Sussex, Essex, and Suffolk, enjoining them to search all houses where it may be supposed any wool is, to ascertain the quantities, to take the owners' answers for what uses they intend to dispose of it, and to certify with all speed to the Board;

also to inquire after those that have transported it, that proceedings may be had against them.

If you acquaint Mr. Treasurer or Mr. Secretary with this, and they like it, they will put it into a better form for the Board.
Take care of the letter from Lisle, as I intend to make use of it when the Council of Trade sits.
I began my letter with my own hand, but could not go through with it.
S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 104.]

Oct. 5 1668,
R. Mayors to [the Navy Commissioners].

Has surveyed Mr. Fithy's East-country plank at Deptford, 80 loads, and judges it to be worth 3/. 10s. per load.
With note that the Board offered 3/. 12s., Mr. Shish, then present, saying he would give as much, but Mr. Fithy refused it, insisting upon 3/. 15s.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 106.]

AND as Terry told us:

Oct. 5 1668.
Treasury Chambers
Sir George Downing to Pepys.

Do not fail to meet me at Sir Robert Long's house tomorrow, about the money employed for the Fleet, on which we should have met the week before.
[S.P. Dom., Car. II. 247, No. 107]

Third Reading

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